Editorial: Why are lawmakers ignoring options to improve the redistricting process?
Without question, the Illinois General Assembly is in a bit of a bind as a constitutionally imposed June 30 deadline looms for approving new legislative and congressional boundaries.
Because of delays caused by the pandemic, the U.S. Census Bureau has not provided population data for states to use in drawing required new maps - and the bureau doesn't expect to have the data until the end of September. By that time, potential candidates for statewide and county offices will have barely two months to solicit signatures on petitions to qualify for seats, so leaders have justified concerns to put boundary lines in place as soon as possible.
At the same time, though, Illinois residents have equally justified concerns about the push under way to forge ahead with drawing boundaries that won't necessarily reflect the true population trends in the state in a process that seems designed to bypass if not discourage public input.
In a state like Illinois, which has been riven by controversy over political influence in the drawing of government boundaries, this is an especially troubling, perhaps even sinister development. The anti-gerrymandering watchdog group RepresentUs says Illinois' one-party dominance in both legislative chambers and the governor's office puts it among 25 states at extreme risk of letting political power rather than objective review of population data determine the boundaries that will shape the state's legislative and congressional boundaries for the next decade.
Despite such concerns, the state is barreling ahead with a mapping process that good-government groups have criticized as poorly designed and lacking in transparency. Notice of public hearings is short, expectations are often unclear and the meetings themselves are scheduled at times and locations convenient for legislators but not for interested parties who may have to work during daytime hours or face long travel times.
Legislative leaders say they're driven by the desire to meet the constitutional deadline. If they miss it, instead of having boundaries that reflect input from the public and all 177 lawmakers in the House and Senate, the redistricting process will move to a commission of just eight members, whose work, if ultimately deadlocked, will be decided by a one-person appointed tiebreaker. Clearly, that alternative, too, is objectionable. But these are not the map makers' only options.
The National Conference of State Legislatures has taken note of the problem in states like Illinois and offers suggested actions states can pursue, including appealing to the courts to permit a delay in creating the boundaries.
In addition, Democratic state Sen. Melinda Bush, of Grayslake, and the good-government group CHANGE Illinois have developed legislation in the form of Senate Bill 2554 that would promote more public engagement in the redistricting process and improve the chances of creating a system where, to repeat a common phrase in the redistricting debate, the voters choose their representatives rather than state officials choosing their voters.
Meanwhile, some information is available on the process through redistricting websites in the House (https://ilhousedems.com/redistricting/), the Senate (https://ilsenateredistricting.com/) and elsewhere. But it's not enough. The state spent more than $31 million to help ensure thorough, accurate counting of Illinoisans in the Census. Gov. J.B. Pritzker has touted that figure as a demonstration of Illinois' commitment to the process and leaders' awareness of the consequences of inadequate preparation.
He's right. An inaccurate count could cost the state billions in federal money. An unfair count could also do irreparable harm to the level of democracy in the state and further erode the confidence of Illinois voters in their government.
Options exist for lawmakers to address both concerns. As time slips rapidly away, we can't help wondering, why aren't they taking them?