Reform advocates left disappointed after Blagojevich ouster

Aside from those in charge of Illinois, few seem pleased with the depth of reform to follow the arrest and ouster of Gov. Rod Blagojevich this year.

"We are still waiting for the next (Gov. George) Ryan or Blagojevich or whoever to come in and pull the same levers," says David Morrison, deputy director of the Illinois Campaign for Political Reform.

For a year that started with cries and howls over bribery and extortion in state politics, Blagojevich going out as a punch line on TV shows, Ryan pleading for mercy from prison and prosecutors declaring that Abe Lincoln is rolling over in his grave, the final tally of accomplishments appears modest in the push to curb Illinois' traditions of clout and crime.

Here's is what reform advocates demanded: tight campaign contribution limits, broader power for prosecutors and investigators to fight corruption, restraints on power held by legislative leaders, meaningful open records and meetings laws, and the removal of hiring and contracting from political pressure.

And here is what they got: much-criticized, more lenient campaign contribution limits, improved open records laws and the removal of contracting from political pressure.

"Collectively, I don't believe we obtained meaningful reform," summarizes Patrick Collins, the federal prosecutor who helped put Ryan in prison and most recently headed the Illinois Reform Commission created by Gov. Pat Quinn. "And I'm just not sure there is going to be another opportunity like this one in the future."

Yet Quinn is proud of this year's reform accomplishments.

"In the whole history of our state there has never been this many ethics bills passed in one short burst of time," Quinn said this week. "I have been doing this for a long time with a lot of other people, I am very pleased with the progression and I am optimistic we can continue to do more."

Collins and his blue-ribbon commission acted as the chief lobbyists for a litany of ethics proposals, from campaign finance limits to stronger prosecutors. But the reform commission's multi-point proposal for cleaning up Illinois politics was subject to backroom horse-trading, confounding Collins.

Much of it died out of public view.

"Part of the frustration that I have is that deals are being cut and you are not in the room," Collins said of the legislative process. "The process is flawed. A lot of work is done behind closed doors and the public is kept in the dark."

Collins had pushed for a chamber vote on every reform proposal and Quinn had promised to back him up.

But that didn't happen as lawmakers worked up to the state Constitution's May 31 deadline.

Campaign finance limits

Most of the attention focused on applying federal campaign donation limits to Illinois politicians. Illinois is one of only a handful of states that let pretty much anyone donate as much as they want, allowing politicians to take large checks from lobbyists and businesses they regulate.

Blagojevich is accused of extorting large contributions from state contractors, those seeking a U.S. Senate appointment and lobbyists. He has declared his innocence and awaits trial.

But what lawmakers finally passed last week are limits about double those at the federal level, with individuals capped at $5,000 and businesses or unions limited to $10,000. Legislative leaders can pass through up to $90,000 in donations to candidates.

Senate President John Cullerton called it "real change."

House Republican leader Tom Cross called it a "complete failure" and many in his party voted against the deal last week.

Yet, Quinn came out in support of the plan, calling it a just compromise with legislative leaders reluctant to accept any limits.

That put the governor at odds with the commission he appointed. Collins says he doesn't blame Quinn.

"He never promised me that he would support every one of my positions," Collins said. "I don't feel betrayed."

Morrison said the legislation had the opportunity to reign in political excess and influence peddling, but the higher limits effectively leave little changed. "They totally punted," Morrison said.

Some success

But reformers concede there were some jewels to come out of this year's push for reform.

For one, contracting at state agencies will go through an independent procurement officer and inspectors general will get broader powers.

Blagojevich and Ryan were both accused of steering contracts to political insiders for kickbacks and undermining or corrupting investigators.

Collins, Morrison and the Illinois Press Association also are pleased with a measure deepening the state's open records laws. The new law provides for quicker responses, fewer burdensome copying charges and a counselor to intervene on the public's behalf.

House Speaker Michael Madigan and Cullerton, both Chicago Democrats, have pointed to the campaign finance, contracting, open records and inspector general laws as signs they are serious about reform.

But Collins is more focused on the "potential game changing reform" left on the table this year.

Ethics champions have long argued for a better way of redistricting to prevent incumbent protection, term limits of legislative leaders and broader powers for county and state prosecutors that would put them on par with federal investigators.

For example, county and state investigators can't use wiretaps to investigate public corruption. A measure aimed at granting that power went nowhere in the Legislature with lawmakers alleging prosecutors would use the power for political gain.

Morrison says he hopes the public's attention during Blagojevich's upcoming trial will bring renewed heat on lawmakers to continue pushing ethics measures.

"If voters call them on it," Morrison says pointing to the 2010 elections, "then yes we might see more reform."

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