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Using sanction powers is the only way to control Putin

On Wednesday, the U.S. House of Representatives voted 262 to 159 to pass the sweeping Russia sanctions bill long championed by the late Sen. Lindsey Graham with 58 Democrats voting for the measure. It now goes to the president for signature.

The passage ends a nearly two-year saga as the Trump White House had long held up a stop sign on the measure until the untimely death of Graham, which seemed to galvanize the bill’s supporters and make opposition politically uncomfortable.

The bill enhances the president’s sanctions and tariff power, principally giving him the power to place tariffs of up to 100% on importers of Russian oil (think China and India). It allows him to sanction President Putin, other senior officials and entities. There is a provision to crack down on Russia’s “shadow fleet,” and it gives the president the power to penalize international networks that supply Russia’s defense industry.

Many Democrats who are friends of Ukraine voted against the measure because they feared — not without reason — that the president would (mis)use the new tariff powers in ways that were unintended.

As noted by those in opposition, the bill does not actually levy sanctions against any country, person or entity. It only gives that power to the president and many argue that these are powers that he already had under existing statutes.

The question is, will he use these new powers to pressure Russia? History suggests it would be surprising if he did.

No one understands the president’s deference to President Putin. There are conspiracy theories galore. Do the Russian have compromising material on Trump? Is it an admiration for an authoritarian who wields power ruthlessly? Is it the vast sums of money controlled by Russian oligarchs (some of which financed Donald Trump Jr.’s wedding celebration). Is it just a matter of business for this most transactional of presidents?

Would he raise tariffs on China with President Xi set to arrive in Washington on Wednesday, given that China has shown the ability to retaliate in ways that truly hurt the U.S.?

Would he do anything to further disrupt energy markets heading into the midterm elections when gas and diesel prices are climbing to new highs? The ill-considered war in Iran continues to hamstring the president in numerous ways.

This comes at a moment when Russia has stepped up missile and drone production even as Ukraine’s ability to shoot them down has become compromised by shortages of interceptors (interceptors that were depleted by the war against Iran).

There are clear strategic if not moral reasons to increase support for Ukraine at this moment. Russia is not just escalating its attacks on Ukraine but is increasing its so-called hybrid attacks on the West — including waging a social media campaign in America stoking the controversy over data centers. Putin will be emboldened if there is no concerted effort to push back.

Both President Putin and Trump live in realities of their own making and are surrounded by people who tell them what they want to hear. President Trump was going to end the Ukraine war in a day, and the Iran war would end in a matter of weeks. Putin still seems to believe he can break the Ukrainians and that the West will get bored and abandon Ukraine. He must be disabused of this notion.

Renew military and economic aid to Ukraine. Promote joint ventures between American and Ukraine’s brilliant defense industries. Give Ukraine the right to build Patriot interceptors. Give them expanded access to the Starlink system that would allow them to target Russian missile launchers.

Take off the kid gloves and use the sanctions power the Congress has just provided. Putin won’t back off until you do.

• Keith Peterson, of Lake Barrington, served 29 years as a press and cultural officer for the United States Information Agency and Department of State. He was chief editorial writer of the Daily Herald 1984-86. His book “American Dreams: The Story of the Cyprus Fulbright Commission” is available from Amazon.com.