Democrats raise war powers concerns as Trump mulls Iran strike

Senate Democrats are increasingly concerned that President Donald Trump is considering striking Iran without seeking authorization from Congress — or even filling them in on his plans.

Sen. Tim Kaine (D-Va.) is mounting a last-ditch push to force a vote as soon as next week to restrain Trump from attacking Iran without Congress’s approval.

Other Senate Democrats say the White House has not briefed them on its plans for a potential strike. And some are warning that the situation reminds them of President George W. Bush’s push to invade Iraq more than two decades ago.

“If this president wants to completely ignore the intelligence community, we are playing [on] dangerous ground,” Sen. Mark R. Warner (Virginia), the top Democrat on the Senate Intelligence Committee, told reporters. “This is exactly the way we got ourselves into Iraq.”

The discontent comes as Trump has mused openly about aiding Israel in its conflict with Iran to prevent Iran from building a nuclear weapon — potentially by striking the Fordow nuclear facility, which is buried in a mountain that Israeli bombs cannot penetrate. “Nobody knows what I’m going to do,” Trump said Wednesday.

The pushback follows Trump’s encroachment on just about every congressional prerogative since launching his second term — from taking swift control of the power of the purse to threatening punishing tariffs on other nations. Lawmakers and the courts, however, have traditionally shown more deference to the executive branch on foreign policy.

And while some Democrats are supporting Kaine’s effort, only one Republican — Rep. Thomas Massie (Kentucky), who has opposed Trump on spending issues — has so far publicly backed a similar effort in the House. Outside of Congress, a roiling debate is occurring among the president’s base over the United States potentially intervening in a foreign conflict. But inside it, the Republican opposition appears more muted.

The administration is expected to brief lawmakers on the Israel-Iran situation, probably early next week — but Warner and other Senate Democrats said they are frustrated that it’s taking so long.

“I have no idea what our policy is right now towards Iran other than chaos, and I’m the vice chairman of the Intelligence Committee,” Warner said.

Kaine is lobbying senators to support his resolution, which would block Trump from striking Iran without congressional approval. The resolution must come to the floor as early as next week under Senate rules and cannot be filibustered, with only a simple majority needed for passage.

Senate Majority Leader John Thune (R-S.D.) said he hoped Trump would be able to prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon through diplomacy. But he added Tuesday that conversations about forcing Trump to seek approval to attack Iran were premature.

“I think the president is perfectly within his authority in the steps that he has taken,” Thune told reporters. “Clearly, if this thing were to extend for some period of time, there could be a more fulsome discussion about what the role of Congress should be.”

Congress has grappled with how aggressively to assert its war powers before, as Republican and Democratic presidents have waged war and ordered strikes in the Middle East over more than three decades.

Lawmakers voted in 1991 to authorize the use of military force in the Gulf War. Congress passed similar measures in 2001 after the Sept. 11 attacks and in 2002 to allow Bush to use military force in Iraq. None of those authorizations have been repealed, despite criticisms from Republicans and Democrats that they give presidents too much power to wage war without seeking congressional approval. (The Senate voted in 2023 to repeal the 1991 and 2002 authorizations, but the bill died in the House.)

Presidents have used the authorizations to conduct a wide range of military operations, including the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.

Trump has not sought a similar authorization from Congress yet this time around — leading Kaine to seek to reassert Congress’s authority.

In 2020, eight Republican senators voted with Democrats to pass a similar resolution after the Trump administration killed Qasem Soleimani, a top Iranian military commander, igniting fears of war in Iran. Trump vetoed the 2020 resolution — but Kaine credited its passage by the Senate and the House with helping to convince Trump not to escalate the situation.

“He vetoed the 2020 one, but then he backed off,” Kaine said.

Seven Republicans who voted for the 2020 resolution are still in Congress — but it’s not clear how many would support Kaine’s resolution this time around. A spokesperson for one of them, Sen. Todd Young (Indiana), said Young planned to review it. Another one, Sen. Jerry Moran (Kansas), did not rule it out.

“If it reflects what the Constitution requires, I think it would be something that everyone should vote for,” Moran said.

Momentum is also building in the House for Congress to authorize any use of force in the Middle East, although Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) has blocked earlier efforts this year to force votes to assert Congress’s authority.

Massie this week introduced a companion resolution with 15 House Democrats, giving the measure bipartisan bona fides. Two House Republicans who voted for the 2020 resolution, Reps. Morgan Griffith (Virginia) and David Schweikert (Arizona), are still in the House but haven’t said whether they will support this one.

In the Senate, Republicans have a 53-47 majority. Four Republicans would need to vote for Kaine’s resolution for it to pass if every Democrat — along with Sens. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) and Angus King (I-Maine) — supports it.

But it’s not clear that every Democrat will back Kaine’s resolution.

Asked Wednesday if he would support Kaine’s resolution or another similar bill introduced by Sanders and seven Senate Democrats, Senate Minority Leader Charles E. Schumer (D-N.Y.) did not answer directly.

“Senate Democrats, if necessary, will not hesitate to assert our prerogatives and our ability on this bill,” Schumer said.

Sen. Jeanne Shaheen (New Hampshire), the top Democrat on the Foreign Relations Committee, said she was inclined to back Kaine’s resolution. Sen. Jack Reed (Rhode Island), the top Democrat on the Armed Services Committee, and Warner said they were still reviewing it.

Sen. John Fetterman (D-Pa.), an outspoken supporter of Israel, said he was not concerned the U.S. would get dragged into a war if Trump struck Iran.

“We’re just destroying their nuclear capabilities,” Fetterman told reporters. “I think that’s entirely appropriate.”

Some Republicans — including Sen. Rand Paul (Kentucky) — have raised concerns about the administration striking Iran, but most of them continued to defer to Trump as he deals with a rapidly changing situation. The Trump administration had been engaged in high-stakes nuclear negotiations with Iran when Israel attacked the country last week, killing several top military commanders and striking its Natanz nuclear facility.

In a speech on the Senate floor Tuesday evening, Kaine said he introduced the resolution because he was determined to do so to prevent a replay of the Iraq War. “I told myself when I came to the Senate that if I ever had the chance to stop this nation from getting into an unnecessary war, I would do everything I could,” he said.

Sen. Ruben Gallego (D-Ariz.), a Marine veteran who served in Iraq, said he planned to vote for Kaine’s resolution, informed by what he described as the mistakes of previous administrations.

“The president has not given us any information, any intelligence,” Gallego said. “He hasn’t briefed us about what is the reasoning and why we need to be engaging in direct conflict with Iran. He hasn’t given us an exit plan once it gets started. And until he does that, I’m not going to be supporting any move in that direction.”

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• Abigail Hauslohner and Mariana Alfaro contributed.