Deanne Mazzochi: Candidate profile, Illinois State House - 47th District

In the race for Illinois House from District 47, incumbent Deanne Mazzochi, an Elmhurst Republican, is facing a challenge from Democrat Jennifer Zordani of Clarendon Hills.

Mazzochi, a patent litigation attorney, was appointed to the district in July 2018 and was elected to the seat that November. She also served as chairman of the College of DuPage Board.

To explore her campaign website, visit votemazzochi.com.

The 47th District includes all or portions of Elmhurst, Oak Brook, Oakbrook Terrace, Western Springs, Clarendon Hills, Hinsdale, Westmont and Downers Grove.

The Daily Herald asked the candidates a series of questions. Here are Mazzochi's responses.

Q: Should Speaker Madigan resign from his leadership positions? If he does not resign, will you support him for a new term as House speaker?

A: I called for Mike Madigan to immediately resign as Speaker, as a state representative, and from his political leadership positions within the Democratic Party. He is responsible for Springfield's culture of corruption even if you presume he lacked knowledge that ComEd believed they bribed him.

Missing from this question is the next critical vote of support - for Madigan's rules. I refused to vote for the House procedural rules that entrench Madigan's power, and which neuter the power of even a bipartisan supermajority of legislators to override him. I will continue that tradition upon reelection in November.

Madigan uses his money and power to elect weak legislators who do as they are told. That denies people in those districts the independent judgment and choices an honest legislator gives. DuPage Democrats previously promised they were independent, fiscally responsible. They took Madigan's millions, voted for him; and each and every one voted for his House Rules. They did his bidding on the House floor - including the income tax constitutional amendment. They enable his corruption. Madigan should immediately resign and leave government forever.

Q: Describe at least two circumstances in which you have shown or would show a willingness and capacity to act independently of the direction or demands of party leadership.

A: The Republican leadership brought to the House floor a bill that I believed would be bad for my district in every way relating to issues involving the Illinois Tollway and the Hinsdale oasis.

Despite considerable pressure to conform to leadership's wishes to "stand down" on the bill, I refused; and was the lone vote "no" on the bill.

It also was suggested that I refrain from getting involved in an issue in my district relating to the expansion of 5G wireless systems. Local residents have very real concerns about the adverse impacts that these new wireless sites may have on health, property values, and privacy. They do not want unsightly installations plonked in their front parkways or neighborhood corners without any rights or opportunity to be heard. That is why I filed HB 4653, to create the Local Control, Protection, and Empowering Law to change the Small Wireless Facilities Development Act; and HB 5818, to put some enforcement teeth behind the promises and representations of FCC compliance associated with 5G wireless canisters to ensure our neighborhoods stay safe.

Q: How would you rate the governor's handling of the COVID-19 crisis? Does the legislature need to have more input and influence in establishing rules and policies related to stemming the spread of the disease? What would you have done differently, if anything? If nothing, please say so.

A: I initially gave high marks; those later sank. On March 4, 2020, after speaking with members of the governor's staff, I warned the entire House that the governor was not prepared if COVID went to community spread. The Democrats ignored this warning, and instead adjourned.

I approached COVID as a scientist, attorney and legislator. The governor refused to release scientific data and planning documents, including data behind his shutdown decisions. Failing to release accurate demographic data meant many high-risk seniors were unprepared, and we saw devastating effects as COVID swept through nursing homes. The governor has released prisoners on "COVID" grounds, who later committed violent crimes. His shutdown orders lots peoples' jobs, but his administration failed to timely process unemployment checks. His early contact tracing efforts failed to prevent community spread; and he refused to collect data that would help us know if we were approaching herd immunity. Schools are in chaos; parents' voices are not heard. The governor owes it to the people to let their legislators change the law; and his role is to comply with and execute it.

Q: Regardless of whether the federal government provides assistance, what is the impact of the pandemic on the state's economic outlook and what immediate and long-term actions should be taken to address it? Would you support increasing taxes to pay for COVID-19 response or to make up for lost revenue related to COVID-19?

A: We must stimulate economic growth and bring jobs back to Illinois. In 2019, with 3.4% unemployment, the state had $1 billion extra. The COVID shutdown created over a $4 billion tax loss within months. The total state budget is $40 billion and was already $6 billion out of balance pre-COVID. COVID revealed medical and food supply chain fragility.

Absent Illinois government dysfunction, advanced manufacturing should be here. I sponsored HB5788 to incentivize companies in this field to return to Illinois. Our ability to secure food and medicine should not be controlled by a foreign nation. We need clarity on COVID employer and customer liability; we do not want businesses shut down or sued out of existence for circumstances out of their control.

The state is also facing significant liability for its shutdown orders; we will need a process to manage all of those claims (in addition to the due process/civil rights claims sure to follow). I do not support tax increases; tax increases have enabled the state to avoid reform, and real reform is needed now.

Q: The graduated income tax is designed with the intent to reduce taxes for 97 percent of Illinoisans. Do you believe that will happen? Why or why not? What assurances can be given to voters?

A: If private industry made promises analogous to the tax amendment proponents, they would commit fraud.

The income tax system will become like the property tax system - a complicated mess and source of pay-to-play favors for insiders. Voters have zero assurances protecting them. The rates for the "97 percent" are "teaser" rates that will go up.

Democrats will play class warfare and raise "the rich" rates first. But then middle class and lower bracket rates will escalate - because that's the real tax base. It is hardly a bargain for the middle class when their rates jump to 7% but they are told to be grateful since "the rich" are at 9%. The tax rates tied to the proposal also are not fixed and are subject to change on a legislative whim. Some Democrats have publicly commented on the need to change the rates as soon as it is passed; and the state treasurer stated this amendment enables retirement income taxation.

The pretzel logic used to argue that "97 percent" get a tax reduction further ignores that property taxes will continue to rise; and income tax will increase because the rates and brackets are not indexed to inflation.

Q: Do you support any type of tax on retirement benefits?

A: I have stood against taxing retirement benefits. The lack of a retirement income tax in our state is one of the few benefits we offer to seniors (who face constantly rising property tax bills). Seniors spend millions if not billions of dollars each year supporting our local economy.

That spending contributes to tax revenue through sales tax, use taxes and other consumer-driven taxes and fees. If we move to tax retirement income, many seniors will simply change their residency and tax status to claim residency in Florida, Texas, or Tennessee - all places where the cost of living is cheaper, taxes are lower, and the states' futures are more secure.

Pushing through a tax scheme that makes it easier to tax retirement income - which the constitutional amendment does - also will wreak havoc in seniors' lives. They have worked hard, and carefully planned for retirement without the fear or concern of having to pay taxes on the funds they set aside for that period of their lives.

The real Illinois problems contributing to our current fiscal situation are overspending; unsustainable pension and benefits promises; and corruption.

Q: Should Illinois prohibit lawmakers from lobbying other levels of government? Should lawmakers be prohibited from becoming lobbyists after their term in office? For how long?

A: Yes. I co-sponsored HB3947, which bans members of the General Assembly and their circle from performing paid lobbying work with local government units.

Democratic State Rep. Luis Arroyo was charged with bribery in connection with his "lobbying." But the Democrats and Mike Madigan referred the bill to the Rules Committee to die.

My legislation also targets areas that insiders have abused to manipulate the process for personal gain, including HB 4481 (legislators can't use campaign funds to defend against public corruption suits); HB4483 (legislator-lawyers can't use law firms to launder undisclosed payments when they appear before the various state and local agencies they regulate); and HB 4484 (curbing Aldermanic zoning privilege, which led to corruption charges against Chicago Alderman Ed Burke).

I support banning lawmakers from becoming lobbyists after their term in office for a period of at least two to four years (a full legislative/election cycle) so no one is tempted to trade votes for a future client.

Q: What are the most important components that should be included in legislative ethics reform? What will you do to help them come to pass?

A: Our ethics laws lack teeth.

HB361 had meaningful ethics reforms and fines to go with it, including up to a $150,000 fine for false for incomplete statements of economic interests, and fines of up to $1 million for bribery. This bill was again sent to the Rules Committee by Mike Madigan and the Democrats to die.

As noted above, my legislation targets how politicians enrich themselves by abusing their power. Ethics reform must also include term limits; political dynasties that reign over the span of decades are not healthy or productive for our system of government.

As we have seen in the case of Speaker Michael J. Madigan, "power corrupts, and absolute power corrupts absolutely." And the longer someone stays in office, the longer associated political machines become entrenched to insiders' benefit and can start corrupting the process. I will continue to work with members of my own party and across the aisle where you can find them. But absent a change in governing majority, reform won't pass without Democrats on board.

Q: What should the state do to address the still-growing problems with its key pension programs?

A: The pension protection clause of the Illinois Constitution must be reformed, because the current path is unsustainable. Illinois debt charitably is one step above junk status.

Gov. Pritzker called pension reform a "fantasy." It isn't.

The fantasy is promising benefits beyond amounts the state can ever afford to pay.

I voted "yes" to the police/fire pension reforms passed this year in SB 1300. I passed legislation (HB 3263) to make more and better pension-related cost disclosures at the local level. It went into effect in July 2020.

I filed HJRCA 38 to address the constitutional issue while also seeking to protect rights that current pensioners have accrued. But, with no workout plan on the horizon, each day we walk further down the path to insolvency.

If we don't act to preserve what is there currently, every pensioner will eventually receive equal parts of nothing. All sides of this problem need to be presented with the facts and strike a bargain to provide security for everyone's interests. All parties are vested in reaching a positive outcome, and there will need to be give and take to get there. It is irresponsible to keep kicking this can down the road.

Q: Do you believe climate change is caused by human activity? What steps should state government be taking to address the issue?

A: As a scientist and lawyer I try to take in all the scientific evidence to make educated judgments as a legislator.

Some climate change is caused by human activity (e.g., the urban heat island effect). Some climate change models were in hindsight spectacularly wrong.

As a member of the House's Energy and Environment committee, we are constantly faced with trade-offs. Some technologies lead to greater CO2 emissions compared to others. But ~80% of the Chicagoland area is powered by nuclear plants, which have serious waste challenges. Downstate Illinois coal communities have been devastated by fossil fuel restrictions; electricity for Illinois legislative buildings are supported by coal-powered plants. Several companies in our district have benefitted from subsidies and incentives for installation of solar or wind systems.

I believe we should do more as a state to ensure our electrical grid is sufficiently hardened; and can accommodate a variety of energy sources. This is yet another area where clear data and transparency are critical to have when making policy judgments.

Q: Protesters have massed in the streets in Chicago and other cities across Illinois for greater social justice and changes in the funding and responsibilities for police. How significant a role does systemic racism play in limiting equal opportunity in Illinois? To the degree that it exists, what should be done about it? What, if any, changes should be made in funding and duties of police?

A: Various pleas for reforms within law enforcement and the criminal justice system are legitimate. No system is perfect; we must always strive to improve, and eliminate racism and bias wherever possible.

At the College of DuPage, I strongly supported our Suburban Law Enforcement Academy, because quality law enforcement necessitates quality training. Political figures also need to look inward. Legitimate government has the duty to protect life, liberty and property; and enforce the laws equally. It is irresponsible to fuel envy and hatred based on incomplete facts and media narratives; or excuse lawbreaking because of the point of view that accompanies it. Meaningful dialogue and proposed solutions that are constructive - not destruction - will move us in a positive direction regardless of race, creed or color. Calls to defund or diminish the abilities of our first responders to protect us are misguided.

Q: What should the General Assembly do to improve the state's unemployment benefits system?

A: The first step to improving the state's unemployment benefits system is a full audit of the Illinois Department of Employment Security.

This will allow us to better understand and assess its dismissal performance in serving the public when they most needed access to these benefits. We must also examine the two no-bid contracts, totaling over $20 million, that IDES entered into in April in an apparent attempt to meet demand. The quality of services received in these transactions is suspect and deserves closer examination. No-bid contracts are antithetical to transparency and ensuring proper use of taxpayer money.

House Resolution 860, which I co-sponsored, directs the Illinois Auditor General to conduct a full audit of IDES and the unemployment benefits application. By obtaining a report from the auditor general, we can laser in on the parts of the system that most desperately need improvement and craft legislative solutions that quickly and effectively address the problems. This approach will save time, effort, and dollars versus blindly swinging a hatchet while attempting to perform surgery on a complex system.